sion to the Government, would have been entitled to this favorable discrimination, as nearly as you can judge?

They would have been very scarce, although, as I have remarked, I had believed there was a strong Union sentiment there. When they came to take the responsibility of serving Jefferson Davis or the United States they were very cautions which side they took; and indeed I would say that there were not a dozen men in North Alabama who were willing to incur all the responsibility of coming out in favor of the Union and joining General Mitchell. But nevertheless there was a large number of what I term a sort of quasi Union men there who were anxious to receive the protection of the Government of the United States without incurring the responsibility of rendering themselves liable to be interrupted by the Confederate Army.

Question. Do you not believe that there is a very considerable portion of the population of the Southern States, at lead of some of them, who would be very glad to place themselves again under the protection of the Constitution if the power of the rebel Government and its means of coercion did not render it impossible for them to do so?

I do, sir. I believe that four-fifths of the population of North Alabama would to-day be in favor of a reconstruction of this Government, and that they would be willing to unite with the Government of the United States if they could have a positive assurance that they could receive the protection of the Government without again being interrupted and interfered with by the Government of the Confederacy. i speak more especially of my own section, but from what I have heard from other sections of ;the country I believe the same would apply there.

Question. Is it true that those people who are at heart loyal to the Union are almost universally supporters of the rebellion?

Yes, sir; I believe there are great many men (I speak more especially of my own section) who are loyal at heart, but who are professed secessionists; a state of things brought about by the fact that their personal safety, the safety of their families and property, depend upon their conforming to the requirements of the Confederate Government.

Question. Are or not justice, the security of constitutional rights, and other results flowing from our institutions the considerations which have given rise to and have preserved this loyal sentiment in the people of the South toward the Constitution and the Government?

Yes, sir; I should say unhesitatingly that it was.

Question. What, then, would be likely to be the effect of the policy and conduct of an army upon these people which would violate all these principles? I do not speak now with reference to the people of the South more than to people everywhere.

The violation of justice and constitutional guaranties would in this case and everywhere be calculated to excite and enrage a loyal people, and I would go further, and say that it would be well calculated to estrange them from their Government.

Question. Suppose, then, these principles to be observed in any district of country, taking for example Middle Tennessee and North Alabama and the rebel power in that district of country to be destroyed and its armies kept out, which policy would leave those people in the best condition as regards their support to the Constitution and the Union, that which judges men according to their acts while they are at liberty to act according too their judgment and affection or that which punishes them harshly for acts which punishes them harshly for acts which have been committed under the presume of military force and a public sentiment which amounts almost to an insanity?

I should say that the preservation of justice, constitutional guaranties, and law to a loyal people would be well calculated to attach them to the Government, but that I know of no way of judging men's motives or their hearts but by their acts, and if their acts are rebellious I should say that they are rebellions at heart; but, at the