that purpose, but on each occasion was disappointed, and from the circumstances concluded that Mr. Lincoln avoided the interview, and therefore came not only without credentials, but without such instruction from Mr. Lincoln as enabled him to speak for him. His views, therefore, were to be regarded merely as his own, and said they were perhaps merely the dreams of an old man, &c.

He said, despairing of being able to see me, he had determined to write to me, and had the rough draft of a latter which he had prepared, and asked permission to read it. Soon after commencing to do so he said (pleasantly) that he found his style was marked by his old pursuit, and that the paper appeared too much like an editorial He omitted, therefore, portions of it, reading what he considered the main points of his proposition. He had recognized the difference of our positions as not entitling him to a response from me on the arguments and suggestions which he desired to offer. I therefore allowed him to read without comment on my part. When he had finished, I inquired as t his main proposition, the cessation of hostilities, and the union of the military forces for the common purpose of maintaining the Monroe doctrine, how that object was to be reached. He said that both the political parties of the United States asserted the Monroe doctrine as a cardinal point of their creed; that there was a general desire to apply to the case of Mexico. For that purpose a secret treaty might be made, &c.

I called his attention to my past efforts for negotiations and my inability to see, unless Mr. Linclon's course in that regard should be changed, how we were to take the first step. He expressed the belief that Mr. Linclon would now receive commissioners, but subsequently said he could not give any assurance on that point, and proposed to return to Washington to explain his project to Mr. Lincoln and notify me if his hopes proved well founded that Mr. Linclon would now agree to a conference for the purpose of entering into negotiations.

He affirmed that Mr. Linclon did not sympathize with the radical men who desired the devastation and subjugation of the Southern States; but that he was unable to control the extreme party which now had great power in the Congress and would at the next session have still more. Referred to the existence of two parties in the Cabinet, to the reluctant nominating of Mr. Chase to be Chief Justice, &c. For himself avowed an earnest desire to stop the further effusion of blood. As one every drop of whose blood was Southern, he expressed the hope that the pride, the power, and the honor of the Southern States should suffer no shock; looked to the extension of Southern territory, even to the Isthmus of Darien, and hoped if his views found favor that his wishes would be realized; reiterated the idea of State explanation given in the Glove, when he edited it, of the proclamation of General Jackson.

When his attention was called to the brutal atrocities of their armies, especially the fiendish cruelty shown to helpless women and children, as the cause of a deep-seated hostility o the part of our people and an insurmountable obstacle to an early restoration for fraternal relation, he admitted the necessity for providing a new channel for the bitter waters and another bond than that of former memories and interests. This was supposed to be contained i the proposed common effort to maintain the Monroe doctrine on the American continent.

It was evident that he counted on the disintegration of the Confederate States if the war continued, and that, in any event, he regarded