26 Series IV Volume I- Serial 127 - Correspondence, Orders, Reports and Returns of the Confederate Authorities, December 20, 1860 – June 30, 1862
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Hon. M. M. Parsons, senator from Cole, offered the following:
Resolved, That we have heard with deep interest the address of the Hon. William Cooper, commissioner appointed from the State of Alabama to consult with us in regard to what course the slave-holding States should take under the present crisis, and that we will during he coming session express our opinions officially upon the questions now distracting the Union, and will furnish His Excellency the Governor of Alabama with a copy of such resolutions on the subject as the General Assembly may adopt.
Which was unanimously adopted.
Hon. Thomas W. Freeman, representative from Polk, offered the following:
Resolved, That the secretary of this meeting be directed to transmit a copy of the resolution adopted by this meeting to His Excellency the Governor of Alabama by Hon. William Cooper, commissioner from that State.
Which was unanimously adopted, and thereupon the meeting adjourned.
R. C. CLOUD,
[Inclosure No. 4.]
MY DEAR SHIELDS: I observed in the last Expositor a call for a meeting, to take place in Lexington on the 10th of this month, to consider the course the Southern people should pursue under the menaces and threats of Black Republicanism. From the free and outspoken terms in which this call is made, and the unqualified language used in setting forth the objects of the meeting, those of us at a distance cannot but infer that the good people of "old La Fayette" are determined to assert the rights which belong to them under the Constitution and set themselves right before the world. I rejoice to see that the men of all parties have freely signed this call, and I trust in God they will have the metal and the nerve about them when they shall assemble together to look all impending danger squarely in the face, and firmly but respectfully declare to the world where they will be found in the fearful crisis which now overhangs our common country. The time has come, in my judgment, when a settlement, to be of any value, must be full, complete, and final, and expressed in such terms that no one can doubt the exact meaning of the settlement. In the call for your meeting you have declared your purpose to demand an "unconditional repeal" of all the personal-liberty laws which have been passed by the free States. This is a step, I think, well taken, and leads in the right direction. But does it go far enough? Does it reach the heart of the disease? Nothing short of the most positive and binding obligations would I accept in the proposed settlement. Suppose those offending States should agree to repeal their odious enactments, and should actually do it, may they not re-enact them the year following? They have already violated one bargain, under the pretense of construing it differently from us. In making the next agreement let it be made os plain that the wayfaring man, though in a gallop, cannot mistake its meaning. You know the Constitution has not the word slave or slavery in it. Our fathers, who made it, were in reference to this subject possessed of a little mock modesty, or, perhaps, more properly speaking, they were a little too mealy-mouthed to speak out "in meeting" fully what they meant; yet the Abolitionists and Black Republicans are beginning to deny its true intent and meaning. You
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