returning to their homes, would have involved an expense which I did not like to put upon the Government. In Louisiana there was about as much if not more anomaly in civil affairs in Texas.

Our depot was in New Orleans, which, from its geographical position, became the main depot of the Gulf States, and in fact the whole Southwest. This place had necessarily been the headquarters of superior commanders and as may of them appeared to have more ability in civil than in military affairs, they left the results of that ability to be settled by myself and the subordinate officers of my command; questions and claims, semi-military and semi-civil of every possible phase, and so numerous and complicated that, after a fair examination, I think that it will require one officer and ten clerks for over twelve months to brief and systematize what is yet left. The settlement of such of those claims as have already come up has been a dead weight upon the legitimate military duties of my command. Then there was the accumulation at this place of material of war of every possible character, from ocean steam-ships down to pickaxes and spades, the disposition of which gave great labor, but, by keeping steadily to work, and by the good judgment of subordinate commanders and staff officers of the different bureaus, this depot is now reduced to the present wants of the service.

At the time of my arrival at New Orleans, as before alluded to, the civil affairs were much mixed up. Governor J. Madison Wells was legitimately holding the position of governor, but a new election was to occur in the summer or fall; and although, from the antecedents of the governor, who supported the Federal authority, I had reason to expect good judgment, still, either on account of the approaching election, in which he was a candidate for re-election, or because he thought it best, he was filling a number of vacancies in offices throughout the State by returned Confederates. I did not know this, as it was none of my business, until I learned it by the constant appeals made to me by men who were turned out to give place to newcomers whom they did not think deserving, and I only speak of it now because it led, afterward, to bitterness and shedding of blood, in which the military were to some extent involved. The governor was re-elected and the legislature met, but it was found that the governor had one will and the legislature had another; each hated the other, and trouble was sure to come. Not only was the legislature in antagonism with the governor, but all, or nearly all, the subordinate civil authorities in the State were against him. Many of these he had himself appointed, if they still held over after the election. Then the governor commenced making appeals to the military authorities to support him; and when it was proper and legitimate, to serve the ends of justice, such support was given, but when it was to satisfy partisan or political purposes, it was refused, and the military assumed the position that politics was outside of the profession, and that it could not be called on legitimately to serve the interests of either side. This bitter political feeling finally culminated int he massacre of the 30th of July, 1866. I have thought that had I been in the city this slaughter might have been avoided, but I did not expect it to occur, and I was led to this belief by a conversation, which I had, about the 1st of June, with Judge Durell, who the president of the Louisiana convention of 1864, and who told me that he would decline to call it together. He asked if it could have military support. I said it could not; that I would not allow the military to be used for party purposes, but that if the parties in the State came into collision it would be my duty to maintain the peace of the country,